Chinese Migration to Australia in 1850s: A Gold Rush Tale - Essay Sample

During the early 1850s, the Chinese in southern China received news about the gold rush in Australia that instigated their migration. It was estimated that about 7000 Chinese people migrated to work in the Araluen goldfields in Southern NSW. Notably, even after the end of gold-digging, some Chinese became a source of labour for the colonists. The number of Chinese increased significantly in the mining fields where their proportion was five to one European. Following the Chinese influx into Australia, they organised into groups of between 30 and 100, and this contributed to their success in gold-digging. It was this success that resulted in conflict between Chinese and Europeans on the goldfields. The tension between Chinese and European gold miners gave rise to Lambing Flat Riots that were largely anti-Chinese demonstrations concentrated in the Burrangong region of NSW. Understandably, Chinese immigration after the discovery of gold was predominantly male. The group which arrived earlier to work in the pastoral industry was also comprised of male. The 1861 census revealed that approximately 13,000 Chinese men and two women lived in New South Wales. In Victoria, there were 25,000 Chinese men and eight women. The paper will explore factors that contributed to Chinese immigration and their experience in nineteenth-century Australia.

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In the mid-nineteenth century, most Chinese migrated to Australia because of over-population, poverty, and civil war in the native country. However, the Chinese that migrated because of gold rushes were sponsored by wealthy merchants who facilitated them through the credit-ticket system. The resultant high number of Chinese in Australia made them focus on prejudice and, worse still, discrimination. Also, the Chinese Immigration Regulations and Restriction Act were imposed to ensure that their numbers were controlled. Gold mining was exclusively a male-dominated venture, and by 1880, the number of women in the Colony was less than a hundred compared to Chinese men's population that stood at 10,000. The continued conflict during the 1880s in NSW led to protracted anti-Chinese demonstrations as most people were against their settlement in the region. The reason for the resentment was two-fold. Most Europeans were concerned that the Chinese organisation and success in the goldfields denied them their fortunes. Further, some natives believed that the increasing number would make them venture into furniture factories that would inevitably lead to competition with European jobs. More critically, some Sydneysiders believed that Chinese immigrants were bringing dangerous diseases like smallpox into their country.

During the late 1850s, the Chinese men were 20 percent of the adult population of Victoria. All Chinese miners just lie their counterparts were required to buy a miner's license to enable them rightfully to undertake mining activities in Crown lands. The responsibility of providing licenses was bestowed on Gold Commissions, which instituted brutal enforcement. The linguistic barrier and the conflict between the Chinese and Europeans influenced the development of Chinese policy. In light of this, Gold Commissions relied on hired interpreters to assist in their licensing and inspection of Chinese miners in the goldfields. However, the Europeans employed to assist in the interpretation faced the difficulty of understanding various Chinese dialects and sub-dialects. Besides, the Gold Commissions ensured that there was civil and moral order on the goldfields. Also, the goldfields were punctuated with conflict that was premised on the competition. Despite the conflict among Chinese and Europeans, it was the one between Europeans and Chinese that became more pronounced. Their conflict was laced with racial overtones, and it even morphed into mob action and violence. To promote racial order and guarantee safety to Chinese in the goldfields, Bendigo's gold commissioner, John Panton, suggested to Sir Charles Hotham, the Colonial Governor of Victoria, in 1854 that he should establish "protectorates."

More fundamentally, emigrants from England, Ireland, and Scotland held that Chinese miners came to disrupt the Australian settler colonialism. The European settlers comprised of rural farmers and pastoralists, businessmen, miners, and merchants considered themselves as the legitimate colonists in Victoria. During the 1840s, some European colonists encouraged an influx of Chinese to be part of their labourers. However, in the 1850s, the Chinese broke away from their European employers and were seeking gold just like them. Notably, British settlers expressed willingness to include gold seekers from Europe and North America. The increasing number of Chinese became their primary concern as they feared that they would inevitably transform into co-colonialists. Victoria officials believed that forming protectorates would help in managing the Chinese. Further, it was suggested that understanding the Chinese social organisation would be possible if they appoint a respected headman in their circles. Moreover, Chinese miners had their associations that protected them from Europeans. However, the associations maintained that English laws must be followed. Still, the associations held that there should be absolute adherence to English regulations regarding disputes premised on dams and claim shafts. In 1854, close to 1000 European miners in Bendigo threatened to expel their Chinese counterparts. Panton helped in averting the impending violence, but his effort did not diffuse the underlying tension.

Print media during the nineteenth century ran inflammatory materials meant at scaring and shocking the Chinese immigrants. Giving Chinese a bad reputation was viewed as discriminatory and racists. It should be noted that Australia was not only practicing importation of cheap labour during the nineteenth century. Chinese labourers were greatly involved in the Transcontinental Railway construction in the United States of America and the Canadian Pacific Railway. Anti-Chinese sentiment in NSW became more protracted during the 1880s. Henry Parkes, the premier at the time, stated that inter-marriage or social communion between the Chinese and the British should not be encouraged. The Chinese Restriction and Regulation Act were passed in 1888 to ensure that the Colony was protected from dangers posed by Chinese immigration. Additionally, the passing of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1889 required that any potential immigrant should write a passage in any of the European languages before they become eligible. Braidwood goldfields were the most critical in NSW between the period of 1858 and 1870. Also, Kiandra was considered as the largest goldfield in NSW in 1860.

The Chinese miners who arrived in Braidwood goldfields had a desirable organisation, and they were greatly financed. They worked in groups, and their chain of command was elaborate where the leader would be bestowed with the responsibility of purchasing claims and processing payments. Chinese miners in 1859 became well-established in the goldfields. Their operation was well-organised in July 1858 in Braidwood, they moved in groups of between 40 and 80 Chinese people with all the necessaries required for efficient gold-digging. Archeological evidence reveals that Chinese miners had labour-intensive mining practices combined with improved equipage that contributed to their success in the goldfields. European miners had disjointed co-operative principles compared to their poor performance in the goldfields in 1861 as they lacked distinct unique labour practices to work efficiently during excessive rain. Undoubtedly, there was some degree of economic co-dependence between Chinese and Europeans. Most Chinese miners were purchasing machines, claims, and tailings from their European counterparts. In 1859 at Araluen, a European party presented their claim for purchase by Chinese miners at PS300. Similarly, Chinese miners purchased puddling machines from European miners in Majors Creek in 1859. Furthermore, in June 1860, Sydney Morning Herald lamented through its correspondent about the influx of Chinese into the country. The correspondent stated that the overspreading of Mongolians was largely attributed to the diggers who were selling their claims.

Chinese and European cooperation was illuminated in the Braidwood goldfields when they collectively worked claims. In 1862, claims success at Jembaicumbene was associated with combined labour of Chinese and Europeans. The cooperation between Chinese and Europeans was short-lived. There was increased conflict and discrimination in Australia. The local press used disparaging terms such as "barbarous race" to refer to Chinese miners. In 1863, some Europeans used discriminatory terms to refer to Chinese shanties. Chinese miners went into a collision path with the agent for the Seymour Estate at Jembaicumbene during 1860. They moved to Mongarlowe and Majors Creek, where they believed fair treatment awaits them. Despite the destruction of their properties in Jembaicumbene, Chinese miners transformed into a dominant force for many years. After the Lambing Flat riots, many meetings were organised at Araluen in 1861 to appeal to the Government to treat Chinese miners fairly like Europeans. European violence against Chinese miners grew during the 1860s. For instance, in 1861, three Chinese men were robbed and beaten at Majors Creek. The following year, a Chinese man was brutally murdered on the Araluen road. Understandably, towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Chinese people were fully protected by the law, and perpetrators were prosecuted.

More importantly, during the nineteenth century, Most Europeans felt that the Chinese were amassing much gold and were interested in depriving them of their livelihood. Historical examination of the Chinese social structure in Australia reveals that they played an instrumental role in generating wealth. Still, the kinship system was fundamental in understanding Chinese social behavior in Australia. Chinese men were focused on creating substantial future wealth for their clan. Further, emigrants were obligated to transmit a significant portion of their earnings to their families in native China. The credit-ticket system was used by individuals or groups that could not facilitate themselves in Australia. Chinese men who were facilitated through the system remained indebted to the creditor, but they were provided with accommodation and a small wage. From a historical standpoint, the Chinese culture is premised on family loyalty, and emigration was undertaken within the confines of kinship obligations. Senior members of the Chinese families played a central role in major issues lime choice of marriage partner, residence, education, and, more particularly, occupation. It is worth noting that Chinese people in other occupations increased during the subsequent gold rush in Victoria. Conventionally, infrastructure, and other supplies are always needed by people getting into foreign countries. However, Chinese people in nineteenth-century Australia were largely self-sufficient, and they rarely dependent on European merchants for supplies within and without goldfields.

Chinese people's social organisation could be reconstructed on their experience in Victoria during the first gold rush. Before the mid-nineteenth century, Chinese labourers were considered to be a cheap solution to the underlying labour shortage in Australia. Historical evidence reveals that linguistic difficulty provided a barrier to correct pronouncing of Chinese names, especially among Europeans, and this informs why there are incomplete registries in colonial Victoria. In March 1854, more than 400 Chinese men entered colonial Vict...