Introduction
Ergot is a poisonous fungus, which causes harm to both humans and animals. The ingestion of an ergotized grain can result in cardiovascular problems, neurological disorders, and convulsions. In the winter of 1691-1692, most people in the village of Salem, Massachusetts began to exhibit strange behavior, which made them accuse neighbors of bewitching them. The accused were later tried for witchcraft, which led to the infamous Salem Witch Trials. Some authors have written about the Salem Witch Trials either refuting or agreeing that the fits coming from the victims were produced by ergot of rye. Linnda Caporael, for example, hypothesized that the reactions of victims resulted from the ingestion of ergotized rye. According to her, the ergot played a role in the Sale Witch Trials. Also, Mary Matosian contended that the symptoms of the victims at Salem were those of convulsive ergotism. This paper gives two pieces of evidence in support of the ergot theory. The ergot theory fails to fit the facts of the case in terms of the symptoms and age distribution of ergot sufferers.
The ergot theory is incorrect because of the symptoms presented. Matossian (1989) contended that the symptoms presented by victims in Salem supported the ergot theory. Also, her counterpart Caporael (1976) agreed that those symptoms were those of convulsive ergotism. To dispute this, it is wise to make a distinction between symptoms and syndromes. The two authors support the ergot theory by citing examples of isolated symptoms by the victims. Most witnesses reported seeing a ghost, witch's Spector, and a demonic animal. By far, the most common symptom reported by witnesses was apparitions. Apparently, convulsive ergotism does not produce such isolated symptoms. Hallucinations related to ergot poisoning are accompanied by other perceptual disturbances, extreme confusion and delirium, and vomiting and convulsions. The Records of Salem Witchcraft supply no evidence for the prevalence of such a syndrome. Matossian (1989) efficaciously factors out that three humans and quite a few animals are said to have died throughout the Salem crisis. Her implication, of course, is that such deaths cannot be explained through psychological speculation and consequently are a guide for the ergot hypothesis. This implication is misleading because there is no evidence in any way to indicate that these deaths have been prompted by way of ergot. The descriptions of symptoms provided by Matossian (1989) are particularly misleading because she, like Caporael (1976), describes them without reference to the social context in which they occurred. For example, it is quite genuine that the victims very in most occasions convulsed, reported sensations of being pricked and pinched, and described seeing the specters of accused witches attacking them. However, Matossian (1989) failed to point out that the prevalence of these symptoms displays was governed by social factors and not by means of inner disease processes. For instance, the afflicted teens generally convulsed en masse in the court docket whenever an accused witch was once instructed through the judge to look in their direction. When an accused witch (but now not anyone else) grasped the hand of a troubled person the convulsions immediately stopped.
The ergot theory is incorrect because of the age distribution factor. According to Matossian (1989), the distribution of age and sex in the Ethiopian epidemic corresponded to that, which occurred in Salem. Her claim is totally incorrect for obvious reasons. First, in Demeke, Kidane, and Wuhib's (1979) research, more than 80% of Ethiopian victims were aged 5-34 years. Second, the Ethiopian epidemic involved a case of gangrenous ergotism and not convulsive ergotism. For that reason, it is wrong for her to make comparisons of the epidemic in Ethiopia and that of Salem. In fact, the evidence she derives from Ethiopia is highly irrelevant to that of Salem due to the difference in the type of ergotism. The Ethiopian epidemic described by Demeke, Kidane, and Wuhib (1979) did not offer any case of convulsive ergotism. They pronounced a greater designated breakdown of the percentage of ergot victims by way of age and sex in the Ethiopian epidemic than is indicated with the aid of Matossian's (1989) announcement that 80% have been between 5 and 34 years old. For example, the ratio of women to males in the Ethiopian epidemic was about 2.5 to 1 and, among females, 53.85% have been between five and fourteen years of age. Of the eleven "afflicted children" who in the Salem crisis exhibited the most prolonged and extensive set of symptoms, in Salem, 100% of those affected were females and only three of them were under fifteen years. Ages are reported for 70% of these people and none of these is below fifteen. Even if we assume that she is right, the ratios of symptoms of females to males do not match up to the 1 to 2.5, which makes the ergot theory lose traction.
Conclusion
Overall, the ergot theory is unclear because of the two pieces of evidence provided above. In as much as Matossian and Caporael argue that that the ergot hypothesis is true, their points are misleading because they do not derive their facts from the event. The casual manner in which both authors provide misleading information on the ergot theory is interesting. As noted, the paper stands on its decision that the ergot hypothesis is viable. In fact, it is believable that the two authors were in a hurry to explain their points to anyone who read their books. Based on the fact that the symptoms of victims in Salem would disappear when the witches touched their hands is enough proof that the ergot theory is weak.
References
Caporeal, L. 1976). Ergotism: The Satan Loosed in Salem? Retrieved from http://www.physics.smu.edu/scalise/P3333sp08/Ulcers/ergotism.html
Demeke, T., Kidane, Y., and Wuhib, E. (1979). "Ergotism-A Report on an Epidemic, 1977-78."
Ethiopian Medical Journal 17: 107-1 14.
Matossian, K.M. (1989). Poisons of the Past: Molds, Epidemics, and History. New Haven: Yale University Press.
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