Research Paper on History and Current Effects of Islamophobia in Africa

Introduction

Following the increase in terrorism in the last two decades, there has been a rise in the level of ignorance-led hatred towards Muslim as they are being blamed for these terrorist activities. The attacks in Madrid, London, and Paris itself have sparked an undeniable fear into the eyes of Europeans and as a result, developing a hostile attitude towards Muslims. However, the fact is that many of these European Muslim population, who are approximately 20 million individuals, are unfairly stereotyped. The largest majority in this group have no ties, none whatsoever, with these attacks. Such profiling has made it difficult for this community to be incorporated into the European society. This problem is most predominant in France, when the population of Muslims is largest in Europe (4-5 million). Although France is known for its desire for globalization, an undoubtable hostility towards its Muslims has been witnessed in the recent past. By understanding its immigration policies, its significant historical events involving its Muslim population in addition to its contemporary concerns, one will be able to understand as to why the integration of Muslim immigrants into their community has been problematic and where they current are in their progress.

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Although the country has been welcoming immigrants throughout its history, the homogenization and the assimilation of these persons into the French society has been problematic. The non-involvement by the government in the assimilation of the Muslim immigrants can be defined as the root of this issue. The central government, in its spirit of egalitarianism, does not recognize ethnic or religious characteristics, a policy that has worked against the rather heavily religious and cultural groups of migrants. In the early history of France, immigrants originated from other European states. Therefore, their assimilation into the community was easier as they shared most of the culture and religion. On the contrary, most of the immigrants who came into France after the Second World War originated from Maghreb region Turkey, South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. These community were drawn to form ethnic quarters and ghetto cities - a sign of a capital failure of integration which has had consequential effects on France. Although Muslim immigrants are willing to assimilate, there efforts are often met with discrimination that is motivated by nativism and a profound distrust of Islam. It, therefore, made it difficult for them to find homes and jobs. Furthermore, the French economy, which has been stagnant for the last three decades, has remained a stumbling block to the immigrants who came in as workers. They have failed to grow out of that economic class.

The secularization of French society has ultimately challenged its ability to appear as diverse as its individuals could make it out to be. The challenge of Muslim immigration and integration can be attributed to laicite, a long-standing republican tradition. In the early years of the twentieth century, the separation of church and state was introduced in France when the law stripped the Catholic clergy of its conventional influence in public institutions. This secularization policy was made a law in 1905. Unlike in the preceding years, teacher could only teach religion as a sociological phenomenon. The school concentrated in its role of producing republic's citizen and in instilling secular humanist morals into students. The law demanded privatization of religion so as to guarantee its free exercise. With that said, allowing entrance to individuals whose cultural background was completely different from that of the natives, France risked bringing in the ethnic or religious conflict of the rest of the world. Moreover, if the Roman Catholic Church was considered difficult in France, Islam has been so much so. This is stressed by the fact that, even in the 1870s, Islam was considered to be a deterrence to 'Frenchness' in Algeria. The public prayers by Muslim workers in the 1980s alarmed the France of the extent to which Islam has gotten into its society. It was a threat to its national culture. Additionally, some leaders felt that dressings such as hijab, which publicly denotes a person's religion, was against secularism. The government effort to integrate the Muslims through building mosques, training imams and setting up halal butchery was considered a threatening influence by the nation's elite.

The confrontation between the Arab immigrants of North Africa and the French can be traced back to the colonial era. In 1865, when Jews were being offered French citizenship, Napoleon III was only willing to offer citizenship to Muslim nationals (Algerian citizens were considered French nationals) if only they renounced the Islamic sharia law. However, in the beginning of the Second World War, France required men for their factories back at home after most of its manpower was shipped to the battlefields. Therefore, despite the cultural and religious disagreement, these immigrants were allowed into the country. The Algerian war is a good example of what cultural disagreement can result to. The Barber and the Arab Muslims in Algeria regarded the discriminatory method of issuing French citizenship an apostasy. The Muslim population became even more infuriated following the exposure to the French culture and education that advocated for equality and natural liberty. Moreover, the French ideal of running a government under secularism was not supported by many Muslim nationals. As a result, the Algerian war for independence stated in 1954. The French military managed to win the war despite numerous fatalities. Nonetheless, the French government opted to grant Algeria its independence, a decision that infuriated the military and France in general. The cultural difference and the political history of the two nations can also be linked to the current situation in France.

The adoption of the doctrine of differentialist racism by Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National has popularized the anti-immigrant ideals across the right and left groups and made it challenging for residents to become French citizens. The party was formed in the 1980s to supposedly protect French identity and protect the fundamental values France's civilization. As early as 1988, Le pen had warned the Europeans that they faced extinction if they allowed the massive inflow of the multicultural and inassimilable immigrants into their countries. This point of view set a stage for the development of legislation of anti-immigrant laws in addition to a change in attitude toward the Muslim immigrants by the general public. Unlike the Front National, parties had advocated for the establishment of a multiracial and multicultural state. Multiculturalism, commonly referred to mondialisme by Le Pen's party, was considered as an admission of the truth that the immigrants could not be integrated into the French society. Instead, it was consider a threat that would destroy any sense of identity by mixing people and cultures.

As a result, the Front National developed measures to reduce the number of immigrants entering the country until the inflow is eventually stopped. Also, the party advocated for the reconstruction of the multicultural society by repatriating immigrants who were unwilling to be assimilated. Concurrently, the party promoted a policy of 'national preference' which aimed to protect the national integrity of the welfare state through a tight immigration policy. Therefore, in the 1990s, Front National incorporated the differentialist racism in its larger political strategy of resistance to globalization. In the recent years, some of the Front National ideologies have been adopted by right-wing populist parties, groups that had previously paid little attention to the issue of immigration and multiculturalism. Thus, these parties are leaning towards the ideology that the European identity need serious protection from the new socio-economic and socio-cultural challenges associated with globalization.

In spite of underrepresentation in the French political system, the politics of Muslim has shown high levels of assimilation into French society. The Muslim voters behave like every other French voters whose socioeconomic background, in most occasions, dictate their voting pattern. There are no clear evidence that their political positions are influenced by their religious orientation. Also, the French Muslims resented the proposed EU constitution quite similarly as the rest of the country did. The abovementioned trends shows that the Muslim community have no political inclination based on their religious belief and therefore there is no generalization of their voting pattern.

The Islamic community in France tend to be more interested in the local politics that is, the municipal and national politics as compared to the EU elections. Besides, in the recent past, they have been more inclined to the left-wing parties. They majorly disdain parties from the extreme right. However, the preference of the left-wing parties is not driven by their religion, but, the economic exclusion they experience. Unlike in many other nations, the immigrants of France have restrained themselves from forming an Islamic party. This is evidence that the French Muslims do not wish to separate themselves political but, instead, be integrated into the French political system

Although the Islamic community has made a lot of effort in embracing France's politics, one trait stands out; the Muslim community in France is relatively disengaged from political activities. When compared with the population of non-registered voters in the entire country, the population of the Muslim adults not registered to vote is relatively higher. Aside from that, their representation in the French Parliament is very low. Actually, in all occasions, these leaders are meant to just serve the community. In general, the lack of political presence by the Muslim community is bringing fear as it present an opportunities for political problems resulting from random violence, radicalization and communal bond of the Islamic community against the rest of the society.

The French government still holds trust in its system to solve the social problem they are faced with. With pressure from antidiscrimination right campaigns in the country, the government has been influenced to take up the role. The French administration incorporated efforts and arguments from activists in a manner that strengthened the government's control over the current situation. Series of legislations have been enacted since the 1970s to address this issue. Additionally, the involvement of nongovernmental organisations through the Pleven law can be exploited to solve this issue. The French Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT) is also instrumental in ensuring that the immigrant workers do not face unfair discrimination in their work place. However, more could be done.

The incorporation of Muslims into French society requires more explanation than just the historical records showing its failure. Islamist terrorism remains a big threat in Europe. The challenge becomes even more serious owing to the fact that there are potential recruits from the vast European Muslim population which is struggling to fit into Europe's society. These young men and women are only held back from joining various radicalized groups by the hope, aspiration and belief that they will be perfectly assimilated into the society. Even so, many of the French Islam immigrants are not of the radical doctrines of these terrorist groups. Therefore, despite the fear that the French Islamic community will not be loyal to the French values, they have shown that most of them are independent citizens who practice their religious doct...