Melilla is just but another autonomous city located in Spain like Ceuta located in the north part of Africa. It is the same city having the cases of polemics of irregular migration and the individuals seeking international protection all over the world have flared too. The aim of building the wall is to help prevent unnecessary movements in Melilla, to prevent overcrowding of Europe especially by the Arabs and the sub-Saharan individuals.
It has, therefore, become difficult for those seeking international protection to access Melilla and usually end up settling in morocco forcefully due to the existence of the border which requires one to swim, use false documentation, cross the fence or use smuggling in order to access Spain.
This condition has led to a continuous outcry by the Morocco government because; one, there is continuous overcrowding in the country, and two, the bilateral trade that existed between the two countries seized. The building of the border was driven by both Spain and EU by the use of the traditional practice to control access in the standard geopolitics' offenses, use of document control measures and the checkpoints (Hersh, 2019)The act has led to the detention of a number of asylum seekers who are Morocco. Ideally, the movement restrictions unto asylum seekers may not as a result of inadequate space that can accommodate them in Spain as proclaimed by its authorities.
In research to analyze the Melilla border issue, it was found that the resulting delays in the asylum process for more than a year and this was incorporated with the prevention of onward travel. Factors that led to this kind of activity is the effects that the Spanish government saw in the overcrowding that was in CETIs, and the resulting effects that the overcrowding brought in, Spanish leaders, therefore, feared of the introduction of the similar effects into their country and eventually decided to hinder or s[come up with rules and regulations that limit the rate of movement.
According to the information database of the asylum, it states that the time interval for the asylum may vary a lot. The time that may be taken depends on the nationality of an individual, and it can sometimes go for 3months to 3 years range. According to the database results, it showed clearly that Syrians would go for 288days and Iraqis for 633 days. In regards to freedom fight and final reconciliations in Spain, it was resolved that until a child attains a minimum age of 18years, then he/she can be allowed to migrate from the Melilla to the mainland, a rule that had satisfied the needs of the leaders and all authorities to prevent the entry of people from Melilla to mainland (Saddiki, 2010).
However, various non-governmental organizations operating below the major recognized authorities such as Red cross in Melilla, claims that the judgment or the method being used to enable one to move from one place to another is not very fair. They also claim that due to this effect, there has been a prolonged stay of persons in CETIs.
Discrimination is also a major concern cropping up for the asylum seekers who are being transferred to the mainland (Pickering, 2007). The agencies claim that for someone to move from Spain to the Melilla, he /she is not restricted of from anything but for an African or an Arab to move into the country then, they just have to follow the rules and regulations set this is a form of discrimination.
Generally, with the help of the fight and critics for major organizations like the NGOS, the Spanish government is able to divert their constitution, and favor the asylum seekers who are creating a lot of commissions in morocco where is not even enough resources of facilitate their daily keep up. This way, through a number of strategies like collaborating with other countries to help in fighting the disaster or go in the mediation way to test and see if the leaders will be convinced and even eliminate the major problems like the discrimination cases.
Hersh, N., 2019. Enhancing UNHCR Protection for LGBTI Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Morocco: Reflection and Strategies. In LGBTI Asylum Seekers and Refugees from a Legal and Political Perspective (pp. 299-321). Springer, Cham.
Pickering, S., 2007. Globalization of Violence against Refugees. The Globalization of Political Violence: Globalization's Shadow, p.104.
Andersson, R., 2014. Time and the migrant other: European border controls and the temporal economics of illegality. American Anthropologist, 116(4), pp.795-809.
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