Essay Example on Thucydides: Realist Interpretations of 'The Peloponnesian War' Relevant Today

Thucydides is seen by several intellectuals as the primary author in the realist custom as the International Relations founding father. There are differentiating understandings of the 'History of the Peloponnesian War' as Thucydides once in a while gives his assessment about the described events and the actions of characters. This paper will examine Thucydides' realist interpretations and contend that Thucydides' The Peloponnesian War is as yet pertinent today because of the predominance of self-interest, fear, and power politics issues in this day and age. It will utilize contending translations of his work to demonstrate that, although there are significant contrasts between his reality and the present world, his bits of knowledge into human nature are applicable and are probably the best ancient source to learn history. Thucydides' The Peloponnesian War is one of the highest expressions of a realist approach to politics. Thucydides concedes nothing to the power of ideas, deliberation, or speeches, to subjective intentions, political values, and other idle fancies. Instead, he offers a sober and detached account of the facts and their real, objective causes.

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Thucydides' Peloponnesian War is important as it explores the causes and elements of war. He states: "What made war inevitable was the growth of Athenian power and the fear which this caused in Sparta." (Strassler and Richard, 1.23) As stipulated by Lebow, theories of power transition depend on the reason that hegemons are reluctant to surrender their status to up and coming powers. Power transition speculations examine how a move in a character's capacity in the framework influences other different characters. Theorists stress the basic significance of changes in the overall intensity of state power as these progressions produce dread and impact in the security predicament. In this manner, the system turns out to be progressively unstable, and small political instability can hasten a significant conflict. Sparta was worried about the possibility that a critical balance shift of power would result in a drawback of its national security, and in this way, as indicated by the theory of power transition, Sparta felt animosity was important to address the power imbalance. A subject that controls Thucydides' story is how fear relating to interest and honor results in a state of making a move in the expectation of shielding its independence and national security. Two developments caused the Peloponnesian war; The first was the Athens's unprecedented and uneven development and the Megarian Decree issuance. Athens accepted that the respectability of their realm was in question because of the dread of their colonies revolt. Athens' utilization of monetary approvals intended to remove Megara from its union with Sparta, representing an immediate risk to Corinthian and Spartan security. The Corinthians cautioned their allies (Spartan) that except if they stood up for themselves against the Athenians, the Corinthians would establish another union, consequently negatively harming the security of Spartans. Along these lines, Sparta conveyed the final offer requiring the repudiation of the Megarian order. Dismissal of the last offer was the quick reason for the war. Therefore the 'security predicament' may be termed as the reason that led the hegemons to a war that was desired by none. The theory of power transition and the resulting fear aspect gives a broader understanding of the pressure thrust among states or nations.

Another focal element of Thucydides' political realism thought is self-interest. As indicated by Gilpin, Thucydides was convinced that human nature was constant, and because people were driven by pride, self-interest, and fear, they generally try to build their riches until others controlled by passion, attempt to stop them. In the dialogue between the Athenians and Melian, the Athenians states: "Our opinion of the gods and our knowledge of men lead us to conclude that it is a general and necessary law of nature to rule wherever one can." (Strassler and Richard, c.430) The Athenians express that keeping up their realm is their only concern, and they attempt to persuade the Melians that it is to their most significant advantage to giving up. They request that the Melians overlook the matter of equity and argue that Sparta should intercede on their behalf because it is not of their (Sparta) self-interest. The Thucydides Melian dialogue chapter demonstrates the supremacy of self-interest as both a law of nature and practical concept. Compared to the modern days, an example of the idea of self-interest in the national level is evident in the Mytilenian debate. Although Diodotus and Cleon have distinct thoughts concerning which route to be taken forward, the two of them try to handle the circumstance to Athens' advantage. For Diodotus, the justice considerations are irrelevant to the relations of the interstate. A practical example of self-interest in the national level in recent days is the U.S. space doctrine of October 2006 that states, "The United States will preserve its rights, capabilities, and freedom of action in space... and deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to U.S. national interests." (NSPD). Today, while the interest of the nation is viewed as a core value, it need not generally be activity by an individual state. States may participate to guarantee the benefit of all. In an undeniably globalized world, states must consider and manage their business of national interest. The advancement of universal law, especially humanitarian law, demonstrates that there are non-intervention norms and human rights which must be followed by the state. Judgment from international nations if there is an occurrence of violation would not be in the national interest of a state. Therefore, while the national interest is a crucial segment of decision making in a state, today, the occurrence of world war (two) and the commonness of liberal thoughts imply that the national interest is as yet significant though is not the sole purpose behind the behavior of a state.

Fear and self-interest impacts to political power issues. The Athenians express one's capability to take part in political power issues relies upon strength. "The standard of justice depends on the equality of power to compel and that the strong do what they have the power to do and the weak accept what they have to accept". (Strassler and Richard, c.430) Therefore, one's capability to uphold one's requests relies upon relative power. The quoted statement above from the chapter of The Thucydides Melian dialogue indicates Athens cautioning Melos to surrender as they are too powerless to even think about resisting. Because there are relations anarchy among states, the existing order is made and strengthened by the powerful forces who have the power to impose within their range of authority. States, similar to people, are persuaded by self-interest, fear, and intrigue to equity just when their self-interest is involved and served. The regular right of the more grounded to preside over the powerless is somewhat imperialism justification and simplistic explanation. An example of this in the new modern ages is the final proposal issued by the warning countries of the U.S. stating its either being "against us" or "with us." This can be viewed as a risk to propel solidarity in the war on fear. Thucydides includes that an on-screen character's abilities decide his treatment, therefore, demonstrating the basic idea of the level of power balance in international relations.

According to the Thucydides Melian dialogue c. 430, "this is the safe rule - to stand up to one's equals, to behave with deference towards one's superiors and to treat one's inferiors with moderation. A statement from State Condoleezza Rice U.S. Secretary to the president about countries that didn't bolster the war on Iraq stated this: "Punish France, ignore Germany and forgive Russia." (Beale) This statement proves Thucydides' argument that as a law of nature, the powerless become the strong subjects, and when the chance of glorification is offered by predominant strength, contemplations of wrong and right are yielded to self-interest. Welch includes that while Thucydides does not prevent the thought from claiming all-inclusive equity; he just recognizes that regardless it has no obliging power in a framework made out of states inconsistent in power. However, on the other hand, Bagby contends that not all states expand and exercise power. He refers to the case of Sparta and how the Corinthians referred to them as weak and timid as opposed to Athens. Sparta's King, King Archidamus, affirms these national contrasts when he requests that kindred Spartans' be not ashamed of the slowness and dilatoriness for which they criticize us most." (Bagby, 28). As stipulated by Doyle, the political belief systems of both Sparta and Athens and the various parts of society they engaged, where a significant segment of their war. He gets on Thucydides' accentuation on the Athens's national character, both in its democratic institutions and restless culture, just as the Sparta's character, with its "moderate and careful" character and the protection of its oligarchic institutions. Therefore, the objective to amplify power can be viewed as a fantastic motivator; however, domestic aspects and influences are additionally significant.

Conclusion

Taking everything into account, Thucydides was among the first scholars to set out three essential presumption of realism of classical politics: states are the critical units of activity, they look for power either as an end in itself or as a way to different closures, and they carry on in manners that are all things considered sound. While Thucydides has been translated in various styles, his thoughts regarding human nature - self-interest, fear, and maximization of power are persevering. They clarify the weights following up on states in this day and age, pushing them in the process of decision making. Even though there are numerous contrasts among his time and today's world, Thucydides adequately clarifies the social and psychological propensities in methodology and is consequently still pertinent today. Thus, Thucydides' The Peloponnesian War can be termed as one of the highest expressions of a realist approach to politics as Thucydides concedes nothing to the power of ideas, deliberation, or speeches, to subjective intentions, political values, and other idle fancies but instead, he offers a sober and detached account of the facts and their real, objective causes.

Works Cited

Bagby, Laurie M. Johnson. "The use and abuse of Thucydides in international relations." International Organization 48.1 (1994): 131-153. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/use-and-abuse-of-thucydides-in-international-relations/6FAB7C20F2DF628E3DE228A6F2EE36E5

Beale, Jonathan. Can Rice's trip close rift with Europe? 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4231895.stm

Doyle, Michael W. "Ways of war and peace realism, liberalism, and socialism." (1998). https://philpapers.org/rec/DOYWOW

National Security Presidential Directives (NSPD). U.S. National Space Policy. 2006. https://fas.org/irp/offdocs/nspd/space.html

Strassler, Robert B., and Richard Crawley. The Landmark Thucydides: A comprehensive guide to the Peloponnesian War. Free PR, 1996. https://read.amazon.com/?asin=B0036QVOKU

Welch, David A. "Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides." Review of International Studies 29.3 (2003): 301-319. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/review-of-international-studies/article/why-international-relations-theorists-should-stop-reading-thucydides/91125DF64E5228349583AB535A8289A4