The Concept of the Imperial Mode of Living Essay

The concept of imperial mode of living (impLiv) subscribes to the idea that capitalism leads to an even distribution of resources and the constant propagation and the universalization of the Western mode of production (Brand & Wissen, 2016). Essentially, the imperial mode of living draws its founding and ensuing principles from World War II and the liberal markets that defined the 19th century that currently forms part of the everyday practices. The mentioned factors are the main causes of the contemporary environmental or ecological crisis. The concept implies that the daily practices or routine that people engage in, which include societal and individual identities and orientations, depend deeply on its (imperial living) tenets (Brand & Wissen, 2016). The tents include but not limited to the appropriation of resources, the composition of the labor force, and the disproportionate claim to the global and the local ecosystems. The international institutions defined by the global market, the asymmetric relations, and the military forces tend to determine the availability and the subsequent allocation of commodities and resources. Therefore, the necessary production conditions integral to the humanistic and environmental living conditions lack much-needed visibility (Brand, 2016).

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In the recent past and the contemporary times, there is a tendency to globalize the most or the perceived attractive mode of living, albeit unevenly (Schaffar, 2018). In the second world or developing economies like Brazil, China, South Africa, and India have vast groups of new consumers that combine the consumption of electronic apparatuses, meat, and automobiles, and such form part of their daily lives (Brand & Wissen, 2016). The impLiv is responsible for the safeguarding of the relative social stability in the Global North and the apparent hegemonic existence in the Global South. The re-politicization of the environmental or the ecological crisis is prevalent in the global North in comparison. Notably, the key players in that particular process are primarily scientific institutions, state apparatuses, and the private companies or multinationals.

Various entities undertake different initiatives to propagate or to counter the arguments by the social movements. Evidently, the social movements shift the attention of the global community by merely concentrating on common warning about the scarcity of resources rather than the destruction of the world ecological systems. Additionally, their message focuses on the sinks, which refer to the systems responsible for the absorption of certain pollutants from the environment that the ones they discharge (Brand & Wissen, 2016). The response to the perceived scarcity of resources necessitated various discoveries and inventions such as agro-fuels, electric mobility, and other renewable energy sources to create a promising business field. It is worth noting that the imperial living concept is not merely about environmental policy or the accompanying growth of the eco-industry, but rather it encompasses various factors of human substances and existence that include economics and politics. Apart from the representation of a fraction of the society, the politicization of the environmental crisis points a revelation of to the need to reorient the methods of consumption and the production towards the Green Economy.

The calls for the Green Economy, the calls to halt the environmental degradation, and the modernization into the eco-capitalism are the main pillars of imperial living. From the statement, it is clear that imperial living not neutral, at least in the social realms. The people with relatively higher income, higher levels of education, and higher levels of ecological awareness tend to have relatively higher levels of resources application and ownership (Brand, 2016). In retrospect, people with lower environmental awareness, low educational levels, and low income have lower use of resources as well. It is imperative to note that the concept also goes beyond the lifestyle of the different cluster of people. The objective is to identify and recognize the superior or the dominant patterns of distribution, consumption, and production that define the value of life in the Global North and South.

The concept of imperial living helps in the understanding of the various social, economical, political, and ecological phenomena that currently define human existence and global activities. Globalization is responsible for different beneficial innovations that led to energy efficient production models and minimal utilization of resources that have profound eco-social consequences (Brand, 2016). Moreover, hegemonic or the mode of living largely accepted by the masses as the most appropriate means of production and capital distribution strategies has close a correlation with politics and the governmental structures (Schaffar, 2018). The evidence points to global politics or political structures that seem to be inefficient and ineffective (Brand & Wissen, 2016). The governance fails to address the core issues that affect the ecological composition as defined by the production and human consumption activities. Therefore, the main aim of the neo-capitalistic strategy is to manipulate the existing resource and means of production to their favor to maintain dominance or power. In that regard, the resistance to the various production and consumption is quite difficult because of the rampant crisis in leadership and politics, which then makes socio-ecological transformation impossible (Schaffar, 2018). There is the need to transform the modes of living to conform to the changes in the social and the ecological changes witness in the globe currently.

The Crisis of Liberal Globalization and the Internationalization of the State

Liberal internationalization and globalization is seemingly responsible for different degrees of intellectual, moral, and political crises, particularly in the contemporary times when people thought that such would lead to peace, harmony, and development. The post Cold War era meant a lot of potential and greater progress due to the prevailing peace and economic stability. However, such does not guarantee peace, particularly in the wake of the globalization and the evident internationalization of matters of state and governance. According to Ulrich Brand, the limitations and the failings of the liberal internationalization often lead to statist intergovernmental and the inability of the sovereign states institutions to meet the eminent demand for justice and fairness. In the era of fast globalization and rapid internationalization, there is certainly excessive state-centric and formal conception of the world order that means that the international institutions are quite problematic. The mentioned conception is founded on the Uberai internationalist understanding of fairness and justice among the states. Nevertheless, the Uberai Internationalist understanding is seemingly unable to the demands of rights and the autonomy by both the groups and the individuals concerned. Naturally, that means that it is not possible to meet the demands or the objectives of liberalism in the current global constitution because of the constraints associated with the classical liberal internationalist principles that essentially imposes peace change in the era of globalization.

It is worth noting that internationalization and liberal globalization does not only threaten or challenge the order of Yalta, which mainly consists of the Cold War and bipolarity, and Versailles, which encompasses the states and the borders that emerged from the Austro-Hungarian empires (Gough, 2016). Additionally, the order of the Westphalia, which advocates for the sovereignty and territoriality of the states, is also under question owing to its provisions and ineptness in practice. The crisis of the internationalism is quite evident in the manner in which the liberals who aspire for international institutions are open to the demands that the marginalized in the globe make. It means that it is critical to take the demands of the marginalized into consideration and not only the demand by the rich, powerful, and the privileged. There is need, especially in perception, aimed at transforming the manner in which the liberal view the globe and international activities such as governance by different countries. The stance should move from classical liberal perception (Saskia, 2017). The objective is to encourage a transformation in the in the international institutions to ensure that they are relatively cosmopolitan regarding the interest served. In this regard, they should also include the demands and the expectations that the non-state actors (global civil society) have on the institutions.

According to Nicos Poulantzas, The paradoxes and the tensions that define the international institutions and liberal dispensation of justice are quite relevant in determining the dominant normative and ideological parameters associated with the international governance. The reconstruction of the liberal internationalism would definitely make it relevant if the liberals adopt the radical Kantian enlightenment that requires the inclusion of all players that included the under-privileged and the global civil society organizations. Towards this end, it is not healthy of the system of governance to initiate and maintain a top-down approach, which is prevalent in the contemporary setting. State-led reforms (as established in the classical liberal internationalism) are not beneficial and do not include the wishes and the aspirations of the masses (Gough, 2016). It is quite promising and beneficial to envision a more radical approach to internationalism that includes and is open to the conditions of human autonomy, independence of thought, and freedom.

It is imperative to note that the internationalization of the global political authority has not been at a corresponding pace with the impressive steps in the fields of trade, finance, and production, particularly on matter of economics and the distribution of resources. The common belief and the prevailing idea is that the central contradiction on matter of development in the post-war era is mainly in the hands or dominated by political elites, meaning that the territorialization of the political identity and authority controls the power and wealth. Moreover, universalization of the economic and the political forces is also defines the marketization and the commoditization of the social life. In retrospect, the problem of the global management of economies, as perceived from social forces and powerful state players, is inherent due to lack of effective and efficient political and civil structures in the global setting. The development of the right mechanisms should involve various international organizations that include but not limited to IMF, the G7, World Bank, The United Nations, private forums such as World Economic Forum and Trilateral commission, and the civil societies across the globe (Saskia, 2017). The objective is to configure the limits, the shortfalls of the political discourse in influencing international, the national economic, and the social policy.

Hegemony Theory

The term hegemony refers to the dominance of a particular group over another. The dominance often stems from accepted ideas and norms. In the contemporary setting, hegemony theory describes relative dominance or a dominant position of a given set of ideas and their role in taking an integral part in human life. The ideas have the tendency of defining human life since they are intuitive and commonsensical, meaning that they inhibit the articulation or the dissemination of alternative ideas. Essentially, a group of individual...