Gender Roles Across Cultures and Time: A Cross-Cultural Perspective - Research Paper

Introduction

Gender is a cultural construct with which the perceptions of men and women are different from one culture to another. This is also plausible for diverse periods, even in one society or culture. Gender is commonly recognized and organized differently from a cross-cultural perspective. Biological sex differences are dominating gender roles both in tradition and in contemporary society (Costa, Terracciano, & McCrae, 2001). People of the west are presently acknowledging the binary that exists between men and women as a lens that checks on gender differences. At the same time, there are non-western cultures that value the third gender that accommodates matters of transgender. The contemporary period has seen many diverse religions and cultures celebrate nontraditional gender roles. However, more commonly, gender has been associated with development. Women have been underrated and marginalized compared to their male counterparts in various areas within the community, including government policies and development projects.

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The diverse global interpretations of gender, especially across cultures, are aimed at giving an insight into how humans view sexuality, identity, and sometimes spirituality. For instance, there are Christians who have maintained a culture of avoiding sin and damnation by not breaking from the gender binary. However, some other religions perceive nonconforming individuals as people of great relationships and power. The third gender is also prevalent in cultures that one least expects, including Pakistan (Towle & Morgan, 2002). The Khawaja Sira is a typical example as they occupy a unique but confusing place around society. The inhabitants' value is such that Viking sexuality and gender are not expected to follow strict guidelines. Besides Pakistan, there are Wakashu of Japan, the Mahu of Hawaii, the Muxe of Mexico, the Bissu of Indonesia, Xanith of Oman, and Hijra of India.

The third gender culture in South Asia is commonly understood as Khawaja Sira. The community does not present as either male or female. The community is believed to have special powers to bless as well as curse almost any person of their choice. The concept is, however, difficult to interpret as transgender refers to one whose gender differences are defined by sex. Even so, the Pakistani takes value in Khawaja Sira as people from the ancient third gender culture. The modern transgender identity rivals with the beliefs of Pakistani's "transgender supermodel." The Khawaja Sira now has the privilege of family support. Their families provide for their demands in an entirety. They can get educated, speak what they want, and live wherever they desire. Even so, many are disowned by their biological families (Pamment, 2019). The community ends up discriminated against because of letting the third gender makes a living through performance, begging, and sex-working.

The unique Khawaja Sira gender of Pakistan is celebrated for being gifted by God. The society gets difficulty in prescribing gender roles to them, a reason most of them feel abandoned. Some have now been ridiculed for not conforming to the male and female gender roles assigned to them in that case. Sometimes the Khawaja Sira can be viewed as alien and immoral (Pamment, 2019). There are fewer acceptances, social support, and financial backing assigned to them, for they are believed to be less committed to their biological lineages. Sometimes makes are born and grow to identify with the Khawaja Sira rather than their primary gender, and such are accepted in almost any town and city in Pakistan. The community of Sira is advantaged in ways such that it survives police violence and freely accesses primary needs such as healthcare.

The concept of a third gender is also an ongoing exhibition around Japan society. Gender has been a social construct with the Japan society perceiving gender and sexuality in ways that deviate from those of other areas such as Pakistan. Even so, the Wakashu of Japan is accepted and embraced by society. The Wakashu is a transitional stage that exists between childhood and adulthood for the Japanese boys at the Edo period (Kunimoto, 2017). The Wakashu has been a misidentification of male adolescents there; they are not only perceived as sexually ambiguous but also objects of desire for both male and female genders in the outside world. Sometimes the Wakashu described young males who had not yet undergone the coming-of-age ceremonies. No social responsibilities were specifically designed for them, as they were always considered sexually mature.

The Wakashu was identified by their hairstyle of slightly shaven crown flanked by side locks. This was a form of visual code in a traditional woodblock print. The female counterparts had elaborate hairdos as they put combs and hairpins. The Wakashu were assigned the roles of merchants, fishermen, musicians, and sometimes the samurai (Kunimoto, 2017). Same-sex relations between two Wakashu were not condoned, and their adult forms allowed them to get together because of their age differences. This could yield the desired sex and gender regime. Even so, with time, the Wakashu culture ceased to exist in the late 19th century as a result of infiltration due to the military and the cultural west. In the contemporary world, Japan does not value the same-sex marriage, but there exist open attitudes concerning gender identity and sexual experimentation.

The native Hawaiian culture uniquely perceives gender identity as being fluid and amorphous. In western society, the Mahu of Hawaii can be associated with a transgender. It is associated with the concept of someone who embodies the male and female spirits simultaneously. The Mahu is an expression of one's third self. While it does not associate with gender or orientation, it is just an expression of the third gender involving the subject. Hawaiians do not consider aspects of sect, demographics, and race among the Mahu (Dcsw & Robles, 2016). Therefore, their families and societies value and respect them, especially due to the existing gender fluidity. It is an asset that few cultures have.

The Mahu of Hawaii is granted the roles of being healers, teachers, and caregivers for their distinct ability to embrace both male and female qualities. At the same time, they are good at navigating through life's difficulties. The Mahu kept various customs uniquely; hence, they were revered and admired individuals. They also passed their wisdom to the next generations through traditional activities (Dcsw & Robles, 2016). The Mahu is a transgender with their roles being socially prescribed as being different from their genetical sexes. They had the ability to balance masculinity and femininity with much freedom and ease. Only a few cultures around the world have a similar social classification.

The Muxe of Mexico presents a unique gender difference around southern Oaxaca. They aspire to live free of being associated with males and females. This is one concept that disorients even the developing areas of the world. The Muxe present how the cultures make a space for life beyond the binary. Muxes identify as males at birth but proceed to neglect any gender during growth and development. Therefore, the Muxe becomes their gender identity. Their iterations and self-identification are variable; hence, different gender roles and family values. While some are male and express feminism, some defy gender in its entirety. The lifestyle, roles prescribed by society, and celebrations are all different for Muxes.

Families of Muxes, as well as the entire society within which they are placed, respect them as well as the decisions. They are assigned the roles of being artists, merchants, and sometimes teachers, regardless of their desired roles of being manufacturers and beauticians (Altmann, Arroyo, & Wood, 2006). Most of the celebrations made in line with their respect for the roles assigned show relevance and respect for the entire community. Furthermore, the Muxe community does not associate people, objects, and actions with any gender identity. Therefore, it becomes difficult to translate the identities of Muxes into other languages where gender can be relied on in structuring up to simple sentences. Muxes present a unique perspective of gender fluidity, just as the Mahu of Hawaii. However, they can be differentiated in that they lead by example. The Muxe defines the idea that not everything ought to be pigeonholed by culture.

The Bissu of Indonesia presents a contemporary society in that they can dress in ways that blend both male and female characteristics. The gender roles assigned to them include providing blessings at marriages, issuing blessings before harvests, and even praying before the Bugis Muslims make the pilgrimage to Mecca. The Bissu of Indonesia is more than a blend of masculine and feminine. They are a mix of deity and mortal. They can become possessed by the spirits they involve themselves with through dangerous and elaborate rituals.

Bissu among the Bugis of Indonesia is an intersex and represents all parts of a gender combine into a single whole. However, some are not intersex. Various genders are recognized among the Bissu, including the cisgender men, the cisgender women, transwomen, and transmen. Bissu have remained stick to gender nonconformity, and many supporters defend them, yet some others strip them of their rights and protections (Ansara, 2015). As soon as the Bissu interacts with other people, men get treated with a difference by women. However, they remain stout to their gender complexity that defines the diversity of humans. The gender roles and respect they have are based on the idea that they are normative males who present female qualities on the inside. Therefore, many Bissu has already learned the language, songs, and incantations to remain culturally misplaced in terms of gender.

Oman presents a different and complex system of gender roles. There are women, men, and male transsexuals that illuminate the question of sexual identity. The culture of Omani is different from others that respond with moral indignation as well as strong sanctions for those who do not measure up. Therefore, only clearly defined make and female roles exist among the Omanis. Furthermore, there are clearly defined and acceptable codes of behavior among the people of Omani. However, there exists the Xanith of Oman that defies the cultural odds and appears as transsexual. These people are identified as prostitutes who wear pastels and hair dress similarly to women.

Since the Xanith of Oman presents themselves as women, the rules and roles assigned to them are associated with those of straight females. It is maintained as so since gender variance cannot be suppressed. Xanith People get acknowledged and reclassified and allowed to live in peace and with other people within society. The Omani understand that the world is imperfect and that the Xanith only present as different yet perfect only that they have dissimilar natures to those of other members of the society. Gender roles and behavior are left unto them to follow for as long as they present correctly to the society in each of their encounters. As such, they ensure they show tact, politeness, morality, and hospitality (Wikan, 1977). Additionally, the culture of Oman does not allow people to criticize ideas that encourage self-esteem. Therefore, the Xanith are not blamed, sanctioned, or criticized in any dimension.

India also presents a culture that embraces third gender roles through the Hijra. The Hijra do not identify with male or female but have elements of both genders. They have unique and sacred powers that are contingent upon their asexuality. From a worldly view, hijras are prostitutes, and the sexual activities that they involve themselves und...