Introduction
Social construction has a significant influence on the perceptions of human bodies. Nevertheless, the operationalization of the term social construction is not necessarily straightforward since the concept incorporates an assortment of components. Conventionally, social structure focuses on the ideologies perpetuated by the society in areas of sociological interests. Moreover, sociologists view the body as an entity that is continually subjected to transformative changes through social action. More often than not, members of society develop notions concerning their bodies by predominantly subscribing to gender status and the prevalent ideas of femininity and masculinity. Accordingly, the result is structuring the use of the physical body according to the accepted cultural norms and ethnic expectations. The focus of the essay will be on highlighting the correlation between the perception of the body as a sociological concept as well as a biological phenomenon.
The Body as a Sociological Concept
The concept of the social construction of the body is a global phenomenon. Typically, the issue of the body as a social construction revolves around femininity. The equally crucial social development of the body may be viewed from an aging body perspective and masculinity following the fundamental societal expectations. From a biological perspective, the body is often seen as being natural and granted (White, 2016). Hence, it is no surprise that institutions may be classified according to shape, physical build, and sizes. Nevertheless, the notion is prevalent that the aesthetic features of women assume socially acceptable norms that are propagated by the media industry.
For instance, in the westernized societies, seemingly slender women are highly revered and are characterized as being successful, youthful, and happy. Subsequently, the prevalence of such a notion is one of the main reasons why most women express displeasure with the physique of their bodies. Moreover, the media has endorsed the ideation that slenderness in women is popular opinion. Hence there has been an escalation in the cases of eating disorders as well as women seeking cosmetic surgery to apply corrective measures on their body to become more "appealing" and accepted by society (Weitz, 2012). In contemporary society, the ideals of cosmetic surgery and slenderness are portrayed in television programs and magazines as being fashionable.
Accordingly, western culture endorses the practice of face-lifts, breast enhancements and dieting for women who wish to change their appearances and fit in the recommended standards of feminine beauty. One the contrary, detractors of the role of cosmetic surgery in supposedly enhancing female beauty, argue that the plastic surgery industry is fleecing women by treating their bodies as commodities. Ideally, scholars view cosmetic surgery as an intervention for invading the human body with the intent of offering satisfaction in regards to physical beauty. Another critique would be that the women who choose to undergo cosmetic surgery do so intending to express their identity and individualism (Shilling, 2012).
Such individuals may also be seen as expressing their sovereignty to transform their bodies as they deem fit. Equally important is the fact that the body forms an integral part of a person's identity, as is evidenced by the application of makeup, piercings, choice of wardrobe and self-decoration using tattoos. Fundamentally, the integration of the actions above raises questions as to what extent would women self-decorate themselves to fit the stereotypical perceptions of the society in the definition of the term "beauty" (Bartley, 2016).
Sexuality is another social construction aspect of the body. In most cases, women are expected to be sexually appealing to men, emotionally vulnerable, and submissive to men.
Additionally, the female body is often objectified, as is evidenced by the functionality and the controversial opinions surrounding the breast as a body part (Taylor and Field, 2007). For instance, in biological terms, both men and women have breasts, albeit with different functions. From a sociological perspective, the nipples of both men and women have distinctly different symbolic meanings in most societies. Indeed, women's nipples are always objectified, sexualized and censored in the public context.
On the other hand, the nipples of men got to be used in advertisements and displayed whey they are jogging, doing yard work or when attending yoga sessions. Therefore, feminist activists argue that their breasts are not the issue but rather, the sexual objectification of the nipple is the root cause of the problem (French et al., 2010). The sexualization of women's breasts has culminated in the banning of public display of photographs of women who are breast-feeding especially on social media platforms such as Facebook.
Legally, there exist provisions to allow women to breastfeed within the public space, but some businesses have been reluctant to accept such a proposal. Subsequently, women have staged "nurse-ins" in business premises as an act of protesting the lack of acceptance directed towards public breastfeeding (Malacrida and Low, 2016). In this regard, the sexualization and objectification of the nipple present a classic example of the social construction of the body.
The mass generalization and assumptions presented by the society in regards to being female body epitomize socially constructed views, which are characteristic of the western culture. Nonetheless, there has been a surge in feminist perceptions in the 21st Century which seeks to alter the conventional role of women to reflect a modernized culture. Accordingly, contemporary feminist ideas promote the need for sexual autonomy where women are learning to take control of their reproduction and sexuality by making their bodies less socially constructed to satisfy masculine needs.
Social Construction and the Bodily Process of Aging
Conventionally, the bodily aging process is referred to as being biological without the consideration of the social relevance of the aging process. Therefore, the popular stereotype surrounding older people is that the aging phase is inevitable, and its manifestation denotes physical deterioration which was culturally irrelevant (Conner and Norman, 2005). The concept of aging is perceived differently in the global sphere which demonstrates the aspect of social construction when it comes to age. More often than not, the average life expectancy in a given region is what constitutes the definition of an individual being "old."
For instance, in the U.S, where the average life expectancy is more than 78 years old, the population is not considered as being old until the attainment of the age of the sixties and seventies. On the other hand, in a country such as Chad, where the life expectancy is below 50 years, when the people attain the age of 30 or 40 years, they are considered to be old from a demographic perspective (Kerr, Weitkunat and Moretti, 2005). Hence, these variations of distinguishing the former from the young indicate that the concept of age is culturally influenced. Equally important is the fact that there exists no standard period for defining someone as being old.
Equally important is the fact that scholars concur that there exist two possible contemporary narratives in regards to creative thinking and old age. One line of thought is tied to the perception that old age is synonymous with an artistic decline since the aspect of divergent thinking gradually decreases as one progresses in age (Thirlaway and Upton, 2009). Contrariwise, detractors perceive old age as a time where there could be a potential increase in innovativeness, especially when the elderly still have the capacity and free time to explore different interests. Perhaps the most effective approach is by combining the two schools of thought since, in as much as old age represents the onset of a decline in cognitive abilities, the process does not occur uniformly.
The fundamental pattern is a broad diversity and perceptions of the aging process where, for some, it might be joyful and easy, but for some, the aging process may be marred with loneliness, pain, and boredom (Scambler, 2008). Hence, the media and research studies seek to demystify the concept of successful aging. Ideally, much emphasis is placed on the need to establish continuity, control, and connectedness to demonstrate how social factors may be applied to aid in the fight against negative self-understanding among the aged. Primarily, cultures treat the elderly differently, including connoting different values on old age.
In the eastern part of the globe, old age is often associated with wisdom, and hence old age is given much prominence as compared to the western culture (Gabe, Buryand & Elston, 2004). In Japan, for instance, adult children employ a different approach to taking care of their aging parents when compared with their counterparts in the U.S. While in the U.S most adult children put up their parents in nursing homes, such an intervention is frowned upon in the Japanese culture as it is tantamount to neglect. Instead, more than 65 percent of Japanese adult children opt to reside with their parents during their sunset years, as is per Japanese culture.
Conclusion
In sum, the historical contexts indicate that aging has long been perceived as a social phenomenon, albeit with different constructs from society. Accordingly, scholars in the field of social sciences focus on highlighting evidence-based support and cost effective interventions that are directed towards the attainment of the quality of life as well as promoting health in old age. Equally important is the fact that addressing the unique challenges that are inherent to care for the elderly may be adequately addressed through creative solutions as the population for the elderly continues to surge. Additionally, the negative popular discourse directed towards women and the aged alike ought to be changed to create a society that is liberal-minded to support cultural transformation experienced through social constructs in contemporary society.
References
Bartley, M., (2016). Health Inequality: An Introduction to Concepts, Theories, and Methods. 2nd ed, Cambridge Polity.
Conner, M., and Norman, P. (2005). Predicting Health Behaviour Research and Practice with Social Cognition Models (2nd ed). Maidenhead Open University Press
French, D., Vedhara, K., Kaptein, A. A., and Weinman, J. (2010). Health Psychology. 2nd ed. Leicester BPS Blackwell.
Gabe, J., Bury, M., and Elston, M. (2004). Key Concepts in Medical Sociology. London Sage
Kerr, J., Weitkunat, R., and Moretti, A. (2005). ABC of Behavior Change A Guide to Successful Disease Prevention and Health Promotion. Edinburgh, Elsevier
Malacrida, C. and Low, J. (2016). Sociology of the Body: A Reader Paperback 2nd ed. OUP Canada.
Scambler, G. (2008). Sociology as Applied to Medicine. 6th ed. London Elsevier
Shilling, C. (2012). The Body and Social Theory 3rd ed. London Sage.Taylor, S., and Field, D. (2007). Sociology of Health and Healthcare. Oxford Blackwell Publishing
Thirlaway, K., and Upton, D. (2009). The Psychology of Lifestyle Promoting Healthy Behaviour New York: Routledge
Weitz .R. (2012). The Sociology of Health, Illness, And Health Care A Critical Approach, 3rd ed Boston Wadsworth Cengage Learning.
White, K. (2016). An introduction to the sociology of health and illness. SAGE.
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